African Union forces boast of penetrating 'no-go area' of Somalia but admit restrictions.
MOGADISHU - In a khaki tent shielded by sandbags, four Ugandan officers are watching "Black Hawk Down," the Hollywood account of the devastating ambush of US troops in the chaotic streets of Mogadishu.
In 1993, two US Black Hawk choppers were shot down in Somalia, killing 18 US soldiers.
It's maybe not the ideal cinematic fare when you are a peacekeeper in the lawless Somali capital.
That doesn't seem to bother these officers, almost transfixed in front of the screen in the mess where they came to grab a cup of milky tea.
"They know they don't have enough forces to engage us and move us back one foot," said Major Ba-Hoku Barigye, part of an African Union force shoring up President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed's government against insurgents.
"Our major achievement is that we have been able to demystify the idea that Somalia is a no-go area," he boasted.
"Three years after (deployment) we're still here, and I'm sure we will be here for three more years."
President Sharif, who is also a cleric, is in control of only pockets of the capital however, with the rest held by the rebel Shebab movement and the more political Hezb al-Islam militia.
Today's African Union peacekeeping force is made up from just Burundi and Uganda and has 5,300 troops, well below the 8,000 initially planned.
Installed near Mogadishu airport, the force's headquarters is a mixture of tents, containers and prefabricated units in a forest just a few meters from the Indian Ocean.
Every morning the troops don helmets and flak-jackets for patrols on board their white armored vehicles which they use to resupply forward positions in central Mogadishu or escort Somali officials.
"Without us the transitional government would collapse immediately," said one colonel, whose men in forward positions regularly come under gunshot and mortar fire. The airport and seaport remain open, at least.
The headquarters complex had been largely spared the effects of the daily clashes between pro-government militia and rebel fighters, due to what one officer involved in military-civilian operations described as their friendly ties with local villagers.
That was until a double attack in September killed 17 peacekeepers, including their second in command, a Burundian general.
The gutted white facade of the former command center carries the scars but the officers insist that while the attack cost lives, it failed to achieve its aim of killing the force's commander in chief.
"We could have done better but remember that we are the only peacekeeping mission with the same risks as Afghanistan or Iraq," said Major Barigye.
"I'm convinced this mission can be achieved in less than a year," he added. "It's just a question of capacities and human power."
The force lacks both manpower and equipment, he said.
Barigye's mobile phone rings again. He picks it up. "The Shebab have taken to calling me with threats," he shrugged.
Every now and then there's a buzz overhead. US drones are watching and monitoring.
The Shebab has been taking extreme stances since it broke away from the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), who ruled much of Somalia with relative peace and prosperity until the Ethiopian invasion late 2006.
After the Ethiopian troops ousted the ICU, Somalia plunged into unprecedented chaos, where warlords and pirates have returned to the scene.
The US-backed Ethiopian troops in Somalia had resorted to throat-slitting executions and gruesome methods that include rape and torture.
As a result, the Shebab has become increasingly radicalized and has spearheaded an insurgency against the Somali government, whose president today is a former ICU leader.
Despite the Ethiopian withdrawal, it is unlikely that Somalis would soon be returning to the period of calm and security enjoyed under ICU rule.
The US and its allies in the region, who were not happy with the then relatively popular and stable ICU, will likely to face a non-negotiating force when dealing with the Shebab.
MOGADISHU - In a khaki tent shielded by sandbags, four Ugandan officers are watching "Black Hawk Down," the Hollywood account of the devastating ambush of US troops in the chaotic streets of Mogadishu.
In 1993, two US Black Hawk choppers were shot down in Somalia, killing 18 US soldiers.
It's maybe not the ideal cinematic fare when you are a peacekeeper in the lawless Somali capital.
That doesn't seem to bother these officers, almost transfixed in front of the screen in the mess where they came to grab a cup of milky tea.
"They know they don't have enough forces to engage us and move us back one foot," said Major Ba-Hoku Barigye, part of an African Union force shoring up President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed's government against insurgents.
"Our major achievement is that we have been able to demystify the idea that Somalia is a no-go area," he boasted.
"Three years after (deployment) we're still here, and I'm sure we will be here for three more years."
President Sharif, who is also a cleric, is in control of only pockets of the capital however, with the rest held by the rebel Shebab movement and the more political Hezb al-Islam militia.
Today's African Union peacekeeping force is made up from just Burundi and Uganda and has 5,300 troops, well below the 8,000 initially planned.
Installed near Mogadishu airport, the force's headquarters is a mixture of tents, containers and prefabricated units in a forest just a few meters from the Indian Ocean.
Every morning the troops don helmets and flak-jackets for patrols on board their white armored vehicles which they use to resupply forward positions in central Mogadishu or escort Somali officials.
"Without us the transitional government would collapse immediately," said one colonel, whose men in forward positions regularly come under gunshot and mortar fire. The airport and seaport remain open, at least.
The headquarters complex had been largely spared the effects of the daily clashes between pro-government militia and rebel fighters, due to what one officer involved in military-civilian operations described as their friendly ties with local villagers.
That was until a double attack in September killed 17 peacekeepers, including their second in command, a Burundian general.
The gutted white facade of the former command center carries the scars but the officers insist that while the attack cost lives, it failed to achieve its aim of killing the force's commander in chief.
"We could have done better but remember that we are the only peacekeeping mission with the same risks as Afghanistan or Iraq," said Major Barigye.
"I'm convinced this mission can be achieved in less than a year," he added. "It's just a question of capacities and human power."
The force lacks both manpower and equipment, he said.
Barigye's mobile phone rings again. He picks it up. "The Shebab have taken to calling me with threats," he shrugged.
Every now and then there's a buzz overhead. US drones are watching and monitoring.
The Shebab has been taking extreme stances since it broke away from the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), who ruled much of Somalia with relative peace and prosperity until the Ethiopian invasion late 2006.
After the Ethiopian troops ousted the ICU, Somalia plunged into unprecedented chaos, where warlords and pirates have returned to the scene.
The US-backed Ethiopian troops in Somalia had resorted to throat-slitting executions and gruesome methods that include rape and torture.
As a result, the Shebab has become increasingly radicalized and has spearheaded an insurgency against the Somali government, whose president today is a former ICU leader.
Despite the Ethiopian withdrawal, it is unlikely that Somalis would soon be returning to the period of calm and security enjoyed under ICU rule.
The US and its allies in the region, who were not happy with the then relatively popular and stable ICU, will likely to face a non-negotiating force when dealing with the Shebab.
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