V-Day in Russia evokes national pride at difficult time

May 07, 2015

MOSCOW (AP) — If you call history student Nikolai Podchasov on his cell phone these days, you will hear the popular wartime tune "Katyusha" while waiting for an answer.

"I just like the song," explains the 22-year-old Podchasov, who got it for free by dialing 1945 as part of a promotion tied to the Victory Day holiday. Symbols of the Soviet triumph in World War II are impossible to escape in Russia in the run-up to the 70th anniversary of Victory Day on Saturday. There are the black-and-orange St. George's ribbons tied to women's hand bags, wartime TV bulletins from the front line played after the evening news and "To Berlin!" stickers seen on car rear windows.

May 9 has long been the most revered holiday in Russia, bringing together people of all generations and political views. But the holiday has become an increasingly pompous celebration as the Kremlin exploits the memory of the victory to reassert Russia's place in the world and justify its aggressive foreign policy. President Vladimir Putin also uses patriotism to rally the nation as the economy suffers under Western sanctions and to help stifle potential pockets of discontent.

The Victory Day celebrations are a perfect vehicle for uniting Russians around a sense of national purpose. "It's the only opportunity for the nation to assert itself. There are no other foundations for national pride left," said sociologist Lev Gudkov, director of the independent pollster Levada Center. "This is the triumph of the Soviet Union over Hitler's Germany and at the same time a triumph over the West. It's a declaration of might, the transformation into a superpower."

Since the beginning of the Ukraine crisis, the Kremlin has stoked patriotism by evoking World War II imagery to condemn the pro-Western government in Ukraine that took over last year after the ouster of the Russia-friendly president. On state television, the new Ukrainian leaders have been derided as "fascists" and the spiritual heirs of a wartime Ukrainian independence militant whom Moscow considers a Nazi collaborator.

Most Russians have eagerly adopted the Kremlin-sponsored trappings to show their patriotism, including proudly wearing the St. George's ribbon, long associated with victory in World War II. And patriotism has helped to keep Putin's approval ratings sky-high — over 80 percent despite rampant inflation and Russia's increasing isolation from the West.

Some, however, have been turned off by the lavish celebrations for Victory Day. Alexander Mikhailov, a 62-year-old engineer who spent years working at military rocket launch sites, said he sees the official celebrations as superficial, although he understands why they may be necessary "in light of the political moment and the need to consolidate the nation" in the face of Western pressure.

The bigger disappointment for him is that the celebrations, and in particular the military parade on Red Square, are a bitter reminder of the loss of empire. "I'm proud of the victory of the Soviet people and the Soviet Union, but neither of them exists any more. Russia looks on the map the way it did in the 17th century," Mikhailov said. "The victory should be celebrated as long as the country is using the fruits of this victory."

Olga Gref, a 37-year-old history teacher, recalled that for her grandmother, who died last year, watching the parade was a tradition as well as an occasion to shed a tear. For younger Russians like herself, the parade is "more about entertainment."

What touches her on Victory Day is when she and her family and friends reminisce about those who died and those who survived. "There's always this aching feeling, a lump in the throat and tears on the way," Gref said.

Russians' understanding of World War II evolved in the late 1980s when people began to talk openly about Soviet dictator Josef Stalin's repressions ahead of the Nazi invasion in June 1941 and the brutal treatment of Soviet soldiers during the war. But the portrayal of the war has reverted to the old propaganda, as exemplified by the portraits of beaming soldiers and pilots looking down from billboards along Moscow's streets.

For Gref, the best way to keep alive the memory of the wartime suffering and sacrifices is to delve into family history. In her eighth-grade class on a recent afternoon, students brought memorabilia from home and told family stories of the war, which gave a picture far more complex than the official narrative.

One student told the class about a great-grandfather who was a commander in the 1943 Battle of Kursk, while another spoke of a great-grandfather who wasn't able to go to war because he had been sent to a Gulag prison camp. A student also told the class about a man who had deserted and was caught and tortured by the Soviet security services.

"This is what makes the circumstances of the war easy for them (the children) to relate to," the teacher said. "We need to talk about the contradictory nature of this event, the complexity of the war, about the fact that along with the victories, there was a lot of personal grief and a lot of dubious achievements."

The family histories also can counter attempts to portray the victory as exclusively the achievement of the Soviet Union and the Soviet leadership, Gref said. The share of Russians who think the Soviet Union would have won the war on its own increased to 69 percent last year from 57 percent in 2010, according to Levada's polls.

Gref said her teenage students were enthusiastic about St. George's ribbons 10 years ago because wearing one seemed that it "came from the heart and was not ubiquitous." Now, she said, her students won't wear the ribbons because this has "turned into a state-sponsored movement that's difficult to follow with sincerity."

Podchasov, the history student, who is due to graduate from Moscow State University this month, said he enjoys all aspects of the Victory Day celebrations — even the "To Berlin!" stickers that are a nod to war-time messages on Soviet tanks. "It's not anti-German, just something funny," he said.

But aside from the patriotic trappings, he said Victory Day was ultimately about the sacrifice people made for their country. "Those people didn't think it beneath them to sacrifice their lives," Podchasov said.

Thousands of Nepalese pray for earthquake victims

May 07, 2015

KATHMANDU, Nepal (AP) — Thousands of people dressed in white offered prayers, flowers and lit incense at home and in temples Thursday as part of a Hindu ritual marking the end of a 13-day mourning period for those killed in the massive earthquake.

Families and friends also published condolence messages with photographs of victims in local newspapers. The mourners assembled amid the piles of stones, mud, bricks and wooden beams that once formed centuries-old temples, palaces and structures toppled in the April 25 quake, which killed more than 7,750 people. The main ceremony was held in the ruins of Kastamandap, a temple after which the capital, Kathmandu, was named.

"There are so many people and so many buildings we have all lost in the earthquake. I am here to show my support for these families and to say that we are all here for you," said Alok Shrestha, a banker dressed in white t-shirt and holding a bouquet of marigold.

During the customary 13-day mourning period, close family members stay at home, do not touch outsiders and refrain from eating salt. No entertainment is allowed. Nearly 500 people gathered at Kathmandu's historic center, Basantapur Durbar Square, whose temples were reduced to rubble, to offer prayers.

Bhimsen Das Shrestha, a lawmaker representing Kathmandu, said the government should enforce new rules to make buildings earthquake-resistant. "When we rebuild the structures in Kathmandu, we need to consider new technologies in earthquake-prone areas," he said.

Meanwhile, Nepal Rastra Bank, the central bank, announced that people whose houses were damaged could get loans at only 2 percent interest rate. The average commercial loan rate is about 10 percent. Bank official Min Bahadur Shrestha told state-run Radio Nepal that people in Kathmandu could avail of up to 2.5 million rupees ($25,000) and those outside the capital of 1.5 million rupees ($15,000) in loans.

More than a thousand engineers were checking damaged houses in the capital and advising people about whether they are safe. About 13,000 families have requested inspections of their homes since the magnitude-7.8 earthquake, Nepal Engineers Association General Secretary Kishore Kumar Jha said.

About 40 percent of the damaged houses inspected so far were considered safe, he said. It is still unclear how many houses were damaged in the capital and how many are repairable. Some modern buildings — including upscale hotels and expensive homes — appear to have escaped largely unscathed. But poorer neighborhoods suffered widespread damage.

Much of Kathmandu's Old City, home to many of the precious UNESCO World Heritage sites, was destroyed. Many villages outside the capital also were completely flattened. As aftershocks continue to shake the capital, many people still are afraid to return to their homes.

Police say about one-third of Kathmandu's population of 700,000 had left the city since the earthquake. Many others have moved in with relatives, while some are staying in tents in open areas.

Burundi: Anti-government protests enter second week

May 04, 2015

BUJUMBURA, Burundi (AP) — At least 35 people have been injured in demonstrations in Burundi's capital on Monday, the Burundi Red Cross said, as thousands continued to protest the president's decision to seek a third term.

The protests in the Burundian capital of Bujumbura resumed after a weekend pause following a week of clashes between police and protesters angry over the ruling party's decision to nominate President Pierre Nkurunziza as its candidate in elections scheduled for June 26.

Alexis Manirakiza, a spokesman for the Burundi Red Cross, said the number of those wounded in the clashes continues to grow, although no deaths were reported on Monday. Last week, at least six people were killed in violent confrontations with the police.

On Monday some protesters managed to reach downtown Bujumbura, which they had previously failed to access amid heavy police and military presence. Gunfire rang out and men ducked for cover as some shopkeepers hurriedly closed their businesses.

The military is continuing to act as a buffer between angry protesters and the police, who are accused of sometimes using live ammunition in confrontations with demonstrators. Police have also fired tear gas and water cannon.

In the Musaga neighborhood, where anti-government anger has been particularly intense, barricades were erected as police watched on Monday. Protesters say their goal is to force Nkurunziza to withdraw his bid for a third term, which many see as a violation of the Arusha Agreements that ended a civil war here in which more than 250,000 people were killed.

Burundi's defense minister, Maj. Gen. Pontien Gaciyubwenge, said on Saturday that the army should remain neutral amid the unrest. He urged "all political actors" to avoid violence. Nkurunziza, a Hutu, was selected president by Parliament in 2005. He was re-elected unopposed in 2010.

Burundi military says it will remain neutral amid protests

May 02, 2015

BUJUMBURA, Burundi (AP) — Burundi's defense minister said Saturday the army will remain neutral amid the street protests stemming from the president's controversial bid for a third term.

Maj. Gen. Pontien Gaciyubwenge told a news conference that "all political actors" in Burundi should not go down the path of violence, according to local media. In street protests since Sunday, the military has been acting as a buffer between protesters and local police, who are accused of sometimes using live ammunition against the protesters. Tear gas has also been used to break up crowds.

Burundi's popular Radio Isanganiro quoted Gaciyubwenge as saying the military should behave in ways that "conform to the spirit" of the constitution as well as the Arusha Agreements that ended a civil war in which more than 250,000 people died.

The fighting between Hutu rebels and a Tutsi-dominated army ended in 2003. The Central African nation's war began in October 1993, after Burundi's first democratically elected president was assassinated.

Although the current conflict is political, some observers are concerned about the risk of igniting ethnic tensions. "The current institutions are trying to bury the Arusha accords. This attitude leads us directly to hell," said former President Domitien Ndayizeye, who was in office from 2003 to 2005.

At least six people have been killed in clashes with the police, according to the Burundi Red Cross. A funeral for one was held Saturday. Protesters are vowing to return to the streets Monday to keep up the pressure on President Pierre Nkurunziza.

On Friday three people died in grenade attacks in Burundi, according to Pierre Nkurikiye, a spokesman for the ministry of public security. Seventeen people were wounded in the grenade attacks Friday night, he said.

Police have arrested two suspects but the motive of the attacks is not known, said Nkurikiye. Burundi is one of the world's poorest countries and the poverty and the absence of freedom could lead to a revolt, he said.

Nkurunziza, a Hutu, was selected president by Parliament in 2005. He was re-elected unopposed in 2010. His supporters say he can seek re-election again because he was voted in by lawmakers for his first term, and was not popularly elected.

U.S. Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Tom Malinowski traveled to Burundi on Wednesday and told reporters the government has been warned of "real consequences" if the crisis escalates.

Israel's Netanyahu completes formation of government

May 07, 2015

JERUSALEM (AP) — Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu completed the formation of a new coalition late Wednesday, putting him at the helm of a hard-line government that appears to be set on a collision course with the U.S. and other key allies.

Netanyahu reached a deal with the nationalist Jewish Home party shortly before a midnight deadline, clinching a slim parliamentary majority and averting an embarrassing scenario that would have forced him from office. But with a government dominated by hard-liners that support increased West Bank settlement construction and oppose peace moves with the Palestinians, he could have a hard time rallying international support. Controlling just 61 of 120 parliamentary seats, the narrow coalition could also struggle to press forward with a domestic agenda.

After Netanyahu's Likud Party won March 17 elections with 30 seats, it seemed he would have a relatively easy time forming a coalition and serving a fourth term as prime minister. But the six-week negotiating process, which expired at midnight, turned out to be much more difficult than anticipated as rival coalition partners and members of the Likud jockeyed for influential Cabinet ministries.

"I am sure that nobody is surprised that the negotiations continued with all the factions and nobody is surprised it ended at the time it did," Netanyahu said late Wednesday. He vowed to install "a strong and stable government for the people of Israel" by next week, yet also hinted he would court additional partners in the near future.

"Sixty-one is a good number, and 61-plus is an even better number," he said. "But it starts at 61 and we will begin. We have a lot of work ahead of us." The coalition talks stalled this week when Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, a longtime partner of Netanyahu's, unexpectedly stepped down and announced his secular nationalist Yisrael Beitenu party was joining the opposition.

That left Netanyahu dependent on Jewish Home leader Naftali Bennett, a former aide who has a rocky relationship with Netanyahu. With Bennett driving a hard bargain, the talks stretched throughout the day and well into the night before Netanyahu called President Reuven Rivlin, as required by law, to announce the deal.

"I congratulate you on completing the formation of the government. I have received your letter of confirmation, and look forward to the convening of the Knesset as soon as possible, to approve the government," Rivlin said.

Netanyahu had until midnight to speak to Rivlin. Otherwise, the president would have been required to ask another politician to try to form a government. Analysts do not expect the new government to last long or accomplish much.

Opposition leader Isaac Herzog, head of the centrist Zionist Union, called the coalition "a national failure government." He said it was "an embarrassing farce" and "the narrowest in Israel's history."

During the campaign, Netanyahu angered the White House when he said that he would not allow the establishment of a Palestinian state on his watch. Although he has tried to backtrack, the White House has reacted with skepticism. Netanyahu's Likud Party is dominated by hard-liners opposed to Palestinian independence, a position that is shared by the Jewish Home. The odds of peace talks restarting — much less making any progress — appear slim.

The Jewish Home's close ties with the settler movement mean that there will likely be great pressure on the new government to expand construction on occupied lands. The international community overwhelmingly opposes settlement construction, and the Palestinians are trying to push forward with a war crimes case against the settlements at the International Criminal Court in the Hague. U.S. officials have said they could have a hard time defending Israeli policies if the government isn't committed to a two-state solution with the Palestinians.

The new government could also struggle at home. Under the coalition deal, the Jewish Home gained control of the influential Education and Justice Ministries. The incoming justice minister, Ayelet Shaked, is an outspoken critic of the country's judiciary and is expected to seek a greater voice in the appointment of judges.

Meanwhile, Netanyahu's ultra-Orthodox partners, Shas and United Torah Judaism, are bent on reversing reforms passed by the last government. Those reforms sought to end an unpopular system that granted the ultra-Orthodox exemptions from compulsory military service, welfare subsidies to study full-time instead of entering the work force and generous budgets for a religious school system that largely ignores key subjects like math, English and computer studies.

These longstanding benefits have bred widespread resentment among the secular majority. Wiping out the reforms is likely to generate renewed public anger. Yair Lapid, whose Yesh Atid party spearheaded the outgoing government's reforms, said there was little to celebrate Wednesday night.

"A narrow, suspicious and sectoral government is on its way," he said, vowing to "do everything" to stop "the clearance sale of the country" to parties with narrow interests. Netanyahu's last partner, Kulanu, is a centrist party focused on bringing relief to Israel's struggling middle class. Although in control of the Finance Ministry, the party could struggle passing reforms due to the slim parliamentary majority.

Ian Deitch contributed to this report.

Israel's Netanyahu races to form narrow coalition government

May 06, 2015

JERUSALEM (AP) — Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was racing against the clock Wednesday to put together a governing coalition or else face an almost unimaginable scenario by which he would be forced out of office.

Netanyahu was holding furious consultations with the hawkish Jewish Home Party in order to secure a narrow 61-seat majority in the 120-seat parliament. If he fails by the end of the day, President Reuven Rivlin must appoint someone else the task of forming a coalition.

After Netanyahu's Likud Party won March 17 elections with 30 seats, it seemed he would have a relatively easy time forming a coalition. But talks stalled this week when Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman unexpectedly stepped down and announced his secular nationalist Yisrael Beitenu party was joining the opposition. That left Netanyahu dependent on Jewish Home leader Naftali Bennett, a former aide who has a rocky relationship with Netanyahu.

Netanyahu has secured deals with three partners controlling 53 seats. They include Kulanu, a centrist party focused on economic issues, and two ultra-Orthodox religious parties. Fuming over the deals giving ultra-Orthodox parties ministerial power over religious services, Bennett is driving a hard bargain. Slated to serve as education minister, Bennett is now demanding the job of justice minister for a party member.

The Jewish Home party is linked to the West Bank settler movement and unlikely to push for Netanyahu's ouster, a move that could open a potential path to government of the more dovish Zionist Union. Even if, as expected, they reach a deal, Netanyahu would have a thin majority, leaving him vulnerable to extortion from any individual coalition lawmaker.

A narrow coalition would have a difficult time passing economic reforms favored by Kulanu. It also would be averse to Palestinian peace moves and likely favor expanded settlement construction, putting it on a collision course with the international community.

Likud officials concede such a government would not be effective or last long, raising speculation that Netanyahu will ultimately reach out to the Zionist Union and its leader, Isaac Herzog. He insists on serving as the opposition leader.

Protests highlight troubles of Ethiopian Jews in Israel

May 04, 2015

JERUSALEM (AP) — When Israel secretly airlifted waves of Ethiopian Jews in the 1980s and 1990s, saving them from war and famine in the Horn of Africa, it was celebrated as a triumphant show of unity for the Jewish people.

Thirty years after the first large groups of Ethiopians arrived, few in the community are celebrating. Israel's black Jewish minority is plagued by poverty, crime and unemployment, and their brewing frustrations over racism and lack of opportunity have boiled over into an unprecedented outburst of violent anti-police protests.

The unrest has laid bare the struggles of absorption and the rocky attempts of the state to integrate them into a society for which they were ill-prepared. Caught off- guard, Israel's leaders are vowing to respond to the community's grievances.

President Reuven Rivlin said Monday the outcry "exposed an open, bleeding wound in the heart of Israeli society." "We must look directly at this open wound. We have erred. We did not look, and we did not listen enough," said Rivlin, whose largely ceremonial office is meant to serve as a moral compass.

On Sunday, protesters shut down a major highway in Tel Aviv, hurled stones and bottles at police and overturned a squad car. They were dispersed with tear gas, water cannons and stun grenades. More than 60 people were injured and 40 arrested in the second such protest in recent days, and demonstrations are expected to continue.

The unrest followed video that emerged last week of an Ethiopian Israeli soldier being beaten by police in what appeared to be an unprovoked attack. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met Monday with community leaders and with the soldier who was attacked, telling him "we'll have a change a few things." Closing the gaps in Israeli society, however, will be a difficult task.

Ethiopian Jews trace their ancestors to the ancient Israelite tribe of Dan. The community was cut off from the rest of the Jewish world for more than 1,000 years. Under its "Law of Return," Israel grants automatic citizenship to any Jews. In the early 1980s, after a period of debate about recognizing the community as Jews, Israel covertly began to bring in thousands of Ethiopian immigrants. In 1991, thousands more came in a secret airlift carried out over two days.

The new arrivals struggled greatly as they made the transition from a rural, developing African country into an increasingly high-tech Israel. Over time, many have integrated more into Israeli society, serving in the military and police and making inroads in politics, sports and entertainment. Some prominent community figures speak Hebrew without a trace of an accent and are indistinguishable from other Israelis in everything but skin color.

Overall, however, the Ethiopians are an underclass. Many complain of racism, lack of opportunity and routine police harassment. About 120,000 Ethiopian Jews live in Israel today, a small minority in a country of 8 million. Many older Ethiopians work menial jobs — men as security guards and women as cleaners and cashiers. They live with their families in rundown city neighborhoods and impoverished towns with high rates of crime and domestic violence.

Their children have made gains, but overall, the younger generation is still struggling. A 2012 study by the Myers-JDC-Brookdale Institute said that 41 percent of Ethiopian Israelis lived below the poverty line, compared with 15 percent for the overall Jewish population. The average income of Ethiopian Israelis was about two-thirds of their Jewish counterparts. Just 5 percent had college degrees, compared with 28 percent for the broader Jewish population. According to Israel's Prison Service, one-fifth of the inmates in juvenile facilities are Ethiopian Israelis.

Ethiopian Israelis also allege repeated discriminatory slights and, at times, outright racism. In the late 1990s, it was discovered that Israel's health services were throwing out Ethiopian Israeli blood donations over fears of diseases contracted in Africa. Some landlords have also refused them as tenants, and accusations have been raised that Israel has deliberately tried to curb their birth rates.

"Anyone who attended the protest yesterday experienced at one point in their life humiliation based on nothing but skin color," said Mehereta Baruch-Ron, a Tel Aviv deputy mayor of Ethiopian descent, who added that police did not believe she was a city official and blocked her from joining the protest. "We have had enough. It is time to do something."

Job Goshen, an Ethiopian Israeli social worker who works as a job counselor, said the problems stem from decades of well-intentioned but flawed policies. He said that while the government encourages Ethiopians to enter the labor force, it also imposes unnecessary job requirements that make it difficult for them to get hired. He said a truck driver's license, for instance, requires a computerized "theory" test that poorly educated Ethiopians struggle to pass.

"Most of the older Ethiopians don't have the education. But they have other abilities that are not taken into account," he said. "As a result, they are stuck in the same jobs — services, security, cleaning — and they don't get ahead."

Younger Ethiopians are better equipped for the work world, he said, but also face their own unique challenges, especially after completing compulsory military service. Unlike their other Jewish counterparts, Ethiopians do not have parents and siblings who can steer them toward university studies or good jobs after leaving the army. Many come from large or broken homes and must support their parents or younger siblings. Goshen said that while he has not experienced overt racism, his friends, relatives and clients all have.

Fixing these problems will be a long process that will require the government and the community to work together. "It has to come from both sides," he said. "The government can't impose a solution. It has to consult with us."

Shlomo Molla, a former lawmaker of Ethiopian origin, said hope for change lies with the generation born in Israel and less intimidated by the establishment. "I call upon these young people to continue resolutely, so that perhaps they might succeed where my generation failed," he wrote in the Maariv daily. "The next stage of this battle should be civil disobedience. We should stop enlisting in the army, not join the police, and stop paying taxes, because if the state doesn't take its citizens into account, the citizens are also permitted not to take the state into account."

Stephane Dujarric, the spokesman for the U.N. secretary-general, told reporters Monday that "the fight versus racism and discrimination is a universal one. Obviously, people have a right to demonstrate peacefully, and we encourage the Israeli authorities to deal with the issues."

The images of black Israelis clashing with police have drawn comparisons to the unrest in the U.S. following deadly altercations between police and black men or boys. But Fentahun Assefa-Dawit, executive director of the advocacy group Tebeka, said there were few similarities. He said Ethiopian-Israelis have a different set of issues related to integration into Israel's modern, fast-paced society — as opposed to maintaining a distinct subculture.

He called on Netanyahu to make Ethiopian absorption a keystone of his new administration, which is expected to take office in the coming days. "Before it is too late, we call on the prime minister to take the matter into his own hands," he said. "In four years, I would want to see this prime minister say 'I'm glad I did' instead of 'I wish I had.'"

Associated Press writer Cara Anna at the United Nations contributed to this report.